Archive for the ‘Hawiye legends and folklore’ Category
taariikhda sheekh xasan barsane oo kooban
“ Sheekh Xasan Barsane “ ( 1853 – 1927 )Sheekh Xasn Sheekh Nuur Sheekh Axmed oo lo yiqiin Sheekh Xasan Barsane wuxuu dhashay sanadka markuu ahaa 1853, wuxuuna ku dhashay tuulada loo yaqaan Ubaadi oo u jirta qiyaas ilaa 68Km magaalada Jowhar, Gobolka Shabeelaha Dhexe, Soomaaliya.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee Sheekha wuxuu go’aansaday inuu la dagaalamo.
Waqtigii ayaa dhamaaday waxaa bilowday dagaaladii fool ka foolka ahaa ee Sheekhu la galay gumeysihii. Sheeikha iyo gumeystaha waxay kulmeen marar badan iyagoo dhamaan dagaaladii uu la galay gumeystaha uu halkaasi kaga guuleystay. Waxaana dagaaladii u Sheekha la galay gumeystaha ka xusi karnaa :
· Gumar Sheel ( 1905 ) waxa uu ahaa dagaalkii ugu horeeyay ee uu la galay Amxaardii oo markaas isku dayaysay inay la wareegto dhamaan dhulka Soomaaliyeed iyadoo markaas timid Taytayle
( Balcad ). Waxaa jiray dagaalo kale uu Sheekha la galay Ethiopia ilaa markii danbe ay dalka ka baxaan
Waxaa kaloo ka mid ahaa dagaaladii uu la galay gumeystaha gaar ahan Talyaaniga oo aan ka xusi karno :
1. Dagaalkii Buulo Barde oo dhacay 1922
2. Ceel Dheere 1922 iyo 1923
3. Hilweyne 1923
4. Jiliyaale 1924
5. Hareeriile 1924
Waxaa Sheekha lagu xabisay xabsiga loo yaqaaney Gaalshiro iyadoo markaasi maxkamada gumeysiga ay ku xukuntay 30 sano oo xarig ah oo ay u dheertahay shaqo adag iyo jirdil. Si kastaba ah ahaatee hadana gumeystaha ayaa ku qanci waayay inay xabisaan oo kaliya waayo Sheekh Xasan Barsane ayaa ahaa caqabadii ugu weyneyd ee ay gumeystaha Talyaaniga kala kulmeyn koonfurta Soomaaliya iyadoo aanba dhihi karno sheekha wuxuu ahaa quwada kali ah ee dagaalo waaweyn kaga hortimid. Talyaaniga ayaa 3 sano ka dib waxay hadana isku dayeen inay dilaan Sheekha iyagoo ay u suuro gashay sanada Markey ahayd 1927 iyado markaasi ay gumeystuhu ku xireen meel god ah oo aan ku filneyn inuu fariisto godkaas ayaa wuxuu lahaa oo kali ah meel yar oo shabaq camal ah oo uu xoogaa wax u neef ah ka qaadan jiray. Intaas oo kali ah ugumaysan simin hadana waxay ugu dareen inay sun ku buufiyaan qolkii uu ku xirnaa waxaana amarkaasi bixiyay KABEELLO sida uu xusay MAXAMED ABDI (Odoyaasha Muqdisho ) oo ka mid ahaa sadexdii Nin ee loo adegsaday inay fuliyaan falkaasi. Ugu danbeyntii Sheekha ayaa ku geeriyooday suntii. Sida ku xusan Orizento Impero iyo TREE ANNI DE IN SOMALIA .Sheekhu wuxuu dhintay taarikhdu mrkey ahayd 13. January 1927. waxaana lagu duugay Qabuuraha Sheekh Suufi oo ku yaalay agagaarka madaxtooyada Soomaaliya waxaana markii danbe loo qaaday oo uu hada ku aasan yahay degmada JILIYAALE oo markii hore Sheekha xarun u ahayd.
The Hintire between 1880-1910
The Hintire
Like the nearby Geledi, the Hintire were a clan of mixed pastoralists and farmers. They occupied a compact stretch of territory flanking the Shabeelle River town of Mereerey.
Although the Hintire were considered raaciye (“followers”) of the Geledi sultan from the early nineteenth century and had supported him in the Baardheere campaign of 1843, they themselves claim that their ancestors never accepted the religious supremacy of the Gobroon shaykhs. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the recognized leader of the Hintire was Shaykh Madow Mahad.
According to Hintire traditions, it was this higher education that enabled Madow to surpass even the Gobroon shaykhs in knowledge of the mystical arts. The religious rivalry between Shaykh Madow and Shaykh Ahmed Yusuf of Geledi—who is also said to have studied at Baraawe as a young man—is the subject of numerous anecdotes, some in the form of Sufi stories extolling the superior insight of one or the other.
Although the Hintire could not hope to match the warrior strength of the Geledi, Madow’s religious esteem proved helpful to the Geledi, at least initially. When Ahmed Yusuf became sultan of Geledi in 1848, Madow is said to have given him some land as a sign of friendship and a token of their school days together at Baraawe.
And the Hintire claim that the prestige of their shaykh aided Ahmed in regaining the loyalty of many clans that had defected after the Biimaal victory over his father in 1848.
However, at the same time, Madow was acquiring a religious following of his own, notably among the Hober clan of Daafeed, a district where the Gobroon shaykhs had been dominant for several generations.
Limited political cooperation between these neighboring clans thus did not prevent competition between their leaders for spiritual ascendancy. Without some awareness of this traditional religious rivalry, the particular response of the Hintire to the colonial occupation would be less understandable.
Madow was succeeded as head shaykh of the Hintire by his eldest son Ashir, who from all accounts was every bit as gifted as his father. Ashir was truly a man of religion; where his father had combined the roles of shaykh and islao (politico-military head), Ashir gave the responsibilities of managing day-to-day affairs to one of his kinsmen, though he continued to be regarded by outsiders as spokesman for the Hintire.
(Until very recently there had existed among the Hintire both an islao and a head shaykh. In 1970 the revolutionary government abolished honorific titles, replacing them with the more egalitarian term Aw, a word signifying “respected elder”.)
Ashir had little sympathy for the military exploits of his Geledi neighbors; when Sultan Ahmed Yusuf tried to mobilize a large army to attack the Biimaal in 1878-79, Ashir refused to allow his people to participate.
This refusal appears to have marked the end of whatever cooperation had existed between the two clans. During the last two decades of the century, there occurred a number of skirmishes between the warriors of the Hintire and Geledi. The verdicts were mixed, although the Hintire won a last-minute victory in a battle in 1903-4, which proved to be the last between these riverine rivals.
The Geledi themselves admit losing the battle of Axad Mereerey (“the Sunday [year] of Mereerey”) because one of their warrior contingents attacked prematurely. The dating of a year by the battle suggests that it was one of the more important events that year (1903)
This background of antagonism toward the Geledi influenced the initial Hintire response to the “Italian problem.” Immediately after the battle of Lafoole in 1896, the Wacdaan sent a courier to Mereerey to solicit Shaykh Ashir’s support in their continuing struggle with the colonials. The courier asked Ashir to use his spiritual influence to help defeat the infidels. The Hintire leader refused on the grounds that the Wacdaan had assisted the Geledi in earlier battles with his clan. Ashir abruptly spurned the Wacdaan’s conciliatory offer of a gift of one hundred cows; the messenger is said to have ridden off without a parting word.
Shaykh Ashir’s position toward the colonials remained consistent throughout his lifetime and gives the lie to all simplistic views of Somali resistance. He felt that the Hintire, as good Muslims, should go to war only if their territory were invaded.
This policy he had applied in his dealings with other Somali clans as well. He had declined to participate in Sultan Ahmed’s aggressive campaigns against the Biimaal. He had counseled patience when his militant son and other kinsmen wanted to raid Geledi herds and seize land in dispute between the two clans. And as late as 1904, when acts of open resistance were becoming commonplace in the Benaadir, a colonial informer reported that Ashir refused to join the resisters: it was claimed that the shaykh would encourage his followers to take up arms only if the Italians moved inland and directly threatened Mereerey.
While Ashir sought to avoid endangering the lives of his kinsmen, he nonetheless wanted nothing to do with the infidels. He consistently rebuffed messengers sent to him by the Italian authorities.
Even his Somali enemies praised his nonaccommodating stance. A poet of Afgooye, recording the attitudes of the various southern clans toward the foreign invaders, said
Ashir Madow Alin Mahad refused to take the road to damnation [By receiving the infidels].
Yet Ashir was aging, and his sons had begun jockeying for succession to his position of authority. At his death in May 1907, the three sons of his youngest wife decided to take a stance that was openly hostile to the Italians.
These three sons did not enjoy as much influence in Hintire clan councils as did Ashir’s older children. It is also possible that they had been excluded from Ashir’s political inheritance, for his eldest son, Muhyeddin, had become head shaykh of Mereerey while the second oldest, Isma’il, had assumed the leadership of the Hober at Daafeed. As a result, the three junior sons may have sought increased prestige and power by taking an independent stand on the colonial issue. The three began cooperating actively with the ever-growing group of Benaadir resisters, and Mereerey soon became a major center for the gethering of dervish recruits. Those Hintire who chose to fight still invoked the name of their deceased leader: oral accounts recall how one warrior rose during a shir and vowed that he would never offer an infidel the hand he had used to greet Shaykh Ashir.
At the news of his father’s death, another son, Abokor—soon to become the most famous—returned to Mereerey from the upper Shabeelle, where he had been assisting some kinsmen in their struggle against Ethiopia’s imperial armies. Already at this time Abokor was a declared dervish; nonetheless, he counseled his kinsmen to observe his late father’s dictum and refrain from following the example of the three younger brothers. Only when the Italians began to march inland in August 1908 did Abokor and his brothers reach an accord: they decided to oppose the occupation with arms. The town of Mereerey was one of the few places along the Shabeelle which met the Italians with a united show of force. More than seventy Hintire perished in a field outside the town, which was later burned to the ground. Several of those involved in the fighting were self-proclaimed supporters of the northern dervish leader Sayyid Muhammad Abdullah Hassan, among them Hussein Muhammad Yahiyow, nephew of Abokor Ashir, and Ibrahim Sha’ayb, who fired the first shot with a newly acquired musket.
A local poet recalled the battle some years later:
Abokor Ashir Madow said, I will not hoist the [infidels’] flag; The Hintire preferred death to disgrace. When the infidels came thundering into Mereerey, We saw many young men confront the barrels of guns; They were fired upon and silenced forever. We saw many people wearing mourning cloths, And many children who became orphans.
References;
Lee Cassanelli “The shaping of Somali society”
Taariikh kooban ee ku saabsan Warsheikh
Warsheekh waa degmo ka tirsan Gobolka Shabeelaha Dhexe, waxayna ilaa 90-Km dhinaca Waqooyi uga beegan tahay magaalada Muqdisho, waxay ku taalaa Xeebta Badweynta Hindiya waana magaalo qadiimi ah.
Magaca magaaladani leedahay ee Warsheekh wuxuu iska saaran yahay labo eray oo kala ah “War” iyo “Sheekh”, waxaana loo la jeedaa hadalkii Sheekha iyadoo Soomaalidu Sheekh u taqaano qofkii barta Cilmiga gaar ahaan Diinta Islaamka.Sababta magacaan uu ugu baxay degmada Warsheekh ayaa lagu sheegay in ay ka dhalatay arrin dhexmartay Wadaaddo Suufiyaal ahaa iyo boqor xilligaas xukumi jiray magaalada Muqdisho.
Wadaaddan oo ka koobnaa afar magacyadoodana lagu kala sheegay Sheekh Sacad Daawuud, Sheekh Cakwaaq, Sheekh Isxaj Waaq iyo Sheekh Muuse Ileey ayaa waxay khalwo cibaado ah oo ay dadka uga foganayaan ku galeen meel u dhaxaysa deegaanada Jaziira iyo Dhannaane, goobtaas oo saarneyd Xeebta Badda.
Culimadaan afarta ah ayaa waxay halkaas ku cibaadeysanayeen in ka badan 30 sano, waxayna khalwadii ka soo baxeen sanadkii 1034-tii Hijriyada, waxayna u soo dhaqaaqeen dhinaca magaalada Muqdisho.
Markii ay Muqdisho yimaadeen ayaa dad iyaga xaasid ku ahaa waxay Boqorkii xilligaa xukumayey magaalada si bara-bagaando ah ugu sheegeen in wadaadani ay yihiin dad saaxiriin ah oo doonaya in ay sixir soo geliyaan magaalada Muqdisho ee uu xukumayey.
Boqorkii wuxu amar ku bixiyey in afartaas wadaad la soo qabto jeelkana la dhigo, sidaas ayaana Xabsiga loogu taxaabay, markii habeen la gaaray ayey waxay ku fekereen qaab ay uga baxaan xabsiga mugdiga ahaa ee maamulka Boqorku uu geliyey.
Maadaama ay sanado badan soo cibaadeysanayeen waxay isku raaceen in ay Alle baryaan si uu dhibaatada ay ku jiraan uga saaro, mid kasta oo ka mid ah afartoodii waxaa loo dhiibay howl.
Mid ka mid ah waxay u xilsaareen in uu Alle baryo si albaabka Xabsigu uga furmo, mid kale ayaa isagana loo xilsaaray inuu Alle baryo si waardiyuhu u arki waayaan marka ay sii baxayaan, kan saddexaad ayaa isna loo xilsaaray inuu Alle ka baryo sidii uu wadada ugu fududeyn lahaa oo intii habeenimo meel fog ay u gaari lahaayeen, midka afaraad ayaa waxaa loo xilsaaray in uu Alle ka baryo in meeshii ay ku waabariistaan aysan ka waayin biyo ay ku weeseystaan.
Waxay ku dhaqaaqeen waxyaabihii ay ka showreen, waxaana ka furantay iriddii, waardiyihii ilaalinayey ma uusan arkin, waxayna u dhaqaaqeen dhulka Waqooyi ka jira magaalada Muqdisho, xilligii salaadda subax ayey gaareen halka ay hadda Warsheekh ku taalo oo ahayd meel aan magaalo ahayn oo ay dagan yihiin dad xoolaaleey ah.
Sheekhii loo xilsaaray inaan Salaadda subax la waayin biyo lagu weyseysto ayaa la gaaray doorkiisii, wuxuu qoday goob Badda cirifkeeda ah, waxaana ka soo baxay biyo, weyna ku weyso qaateen salaaddii subaxna sidaas ayey ku tukadeen.
Markii ay dhameysteen Salaadda ayey waxay raadiyeen cid uun martiqaadda maadaama ay yihiin safar qariib ah, waxay arkeen dad reer miyi ah oo si teel teel ah u daganaa dhulka baadiyaha ah, qofkii ugu horreysay ee ay u yimaadaan waxay ahayd haweeney magaceeda lagu sheegay Caasha, waxayna u sheegeen in ay yihiin culimo Xabsi ka soo baxday, waxayna ka dalbadeen in ay martiqaad u fidiso.
Haweeneydii waxay culimadii u sheegtay in reerku haysto raashin, balse aysan wax biyo ah haysan, waxay culimadii u sheegeen Haweeneydii in ay meel biyo ku ogyihiin, waxayna siiyeen tilmaan si ay biyo uga soo qaadato goobtii badda cirifkeeda ahayd ee ay xilligii salaadda subax ka weeseysteen, Haweeneydii waxay qaadatay weelashii xilligaas biyaha lagu doonan jiray, waxayna u dhaqaaqday goobtii culimadu u tilmaameen.
Dadkii reer miyiga ahaa ee meesha la deganaa Haweeneyda ayaa weydiiyey halka ay u socoto, waxayna Haweeneydii ku tiri “Waxaan ku socdaa War-sheekh” oo ay ula jeedday waxaan ku socdaa hadal uu ii sheegay Sheekh oo ah in meel ku dhow Badda biyo laga helayo, sidaas ayeyna Warsheekh magacaas ku qaadatay.
Xilligaas kaddib waxay Warsheekh noqotay meel magaalo ah oo dad fara badan dagan yihiin, dhowr jeer ayey magaaladaasi baaba’day haddana dib u dhisantay, waxaa deegaan ahaan u soo maray dadyow kala geddisan oo Ujuuraan ay ka mid ahaayeen, balse xilliga ay culimadani halkaasi tagayeen iyadoo aan meeshu magaalo ahayn ayaa Haweeneyda ay la kulmeen waxaa Shariif Caydaruus oo taariikhda Soomaalida wax ka qoray uu ku sheegay inay ahayd Wacdaan.
The Ajuran; a theocratic polity
About 1500, there rose to power in the Benaadir interior a group known as the Ajuran. Traditions say that the Ajuran governed from Qallafo on the upper Shebelle river, to the Indian ocean coast, and from Mareg, in the extreme north of the Benaadir, to the Jubba river in the south. To this legendary people are attributed a great variety of technological marvels; large stone wells, many of which still are used throughout the Southern Somali interior; systems of dikes and dams for irrigation along the Shebelle and huge houses and fortifications of stone. It is said that the Ajuran leaders were the first to impose a regular system of tribute on the surrounding population. The Ajuran had a powerful army and may have employed firearms toward the close of their period of domination.
Evidence to be published elsewhere suggests that the Ajuran were in fact a group of allied Hawiyya clans. Moving from the southern Ogaden into the inter-riverine area, these Hawiyya groups gained control of several important chains of wells. They also occupied stretches of the alluvial plains along the lower and middle Shebelle, plains previously cultivated by Bantu-speaking farmers. By dominating the critical watering sites and river crossings, the Ajuran controlled the trade routes which ran from the Jubba and Shebelle basins to the Benaadir coast. Taxes collected from nomads, farmers, and caravan traders provided the bases of Ajuran wealth and power.
For our present purpose, what should be noted is the terminology employed in oral accounts (predominately Hawiyya) to describe the leadership of the Ajuran. The key figure was the Imam, who was chosen from the family of the Garen within the Jambelle section of the Hawiyya. This is one of the rare instances where a leader in southern Somalia is recalled with the title of Imam, rather than a Somali title (ugas, waber, islao) or with the more amorphous suldaan. The Garen Imam apparently fulfilled the traditional Islamic role, for one account says that “the Imam of Ajuran was in the mosque, preaching the khudba, when the war began.”
Traditions dealing with the Ajuran also refer to wazirs, amirs, and naibs who held various positions in the Ajuran administration. (Such titles sometimes are preserved in Benaadir place-names such as Awal-el-amir, “tomb of the emir.”) Most of my informants asserted that the law of the Ajuran was the Shari’a. What this admittedly fragmentary evidence suggests is the existence in the sixteenth-century Benaadir of a theocratic conception of government and its identification with a specific clan confederation. Even if the Ajuran “state” consisted solely of those territories held by Hawiyya clans, and even if the confederation’s underlying cohesion rested on agnatic ties, the idiom of rulership was Islamic and the central focus of authority- the Imam- was a theocratic one.
Available evidence further suggests that the emergence of a theocratic tradition in the Benaadir was linked to events in the northern parts of the horn of Africa, rather than with developments along the nearby Indian ocean coast. It is known that some sections of the Hawiyya participated in the sixteenth-century jihaad of Ahmed Gran against Abyssinia. The Garen, who provided the Imam of the Ajuran, appeared to have ruled a kingdom of sorts in the Ogaden prior to their appearance in the Benaadir. Then too, the ancestors of Amir ‘Umar, a governor of Merka in the Ajuran era, supposedly came from the Sudan and (more immediately) passed through Darandolle (Hawiyya) country in the eastern Ogaden. Since sections of the Hawiyya were migrating southward both before and during Gran’s jihaad, it is not inconcievable that they brought certain theocratic notions with them. Indeed, the Ajuran maintained a wakil (governor) in the region around Qallafo. This area not only was the traditional Hawiyya homeland, but also stood midway geographically between the emirate of Harar and Benaadir, an ideal link for the transmission of political and religious ideas.
B.G Martin has shown how immigrants from Southern Arabia provided inspiration and manpower throughout the years of Muslim-Christian warfare in the Horn. He has further suggested that, particularly after the collapse of Ahmed Gran’s offensive, many Hadrami sharifs and sayyids drifted southward in the hope of carving out new spheres of authority for themselves. In a few cases these immigrants can be identified with those families known in Somalia as gibil’aad (“white skins,”) several of whom have traditions of arriving along the Benaadir in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. It is not difficult to imagine the gibil’aad serving as religious counselors, legal experts, and tax collectors in the Ajuran administration. Their zeal for formal Islamic authority may have reionforced the confederation’s tendency towards theocratizisation.
Also, on an another case, Borana Galla traditions recall continual fighting with the sagal (the “nine”, almost certainly that division of the Rahanweyn known as Alemo Sagal). While Somali-Galla warfare is particularly associated in Borana tradition with the gada of Abbayi Babbo (1667-1674). It probably flared intermittently throughout the century. Infact the Ajuran are said to have sent periodic military expeditions against Galla forces which were threatening the frontiers of their domain. It is interesting to speculate whether the Galla would have made significantly greater inroads into southern Somalia if their earliest (in the third quarter of the sixteenth-century) had not occured during the peak of Ajuran power in the inter-river area. It is equally possible that Galla pressures acted as a catalyst for the further consolidation of the Ajuran confederacy.
Briefly, to complete the saga of the Ajuran, traditions agree that they ruled for about 150 years. By the middle of the seventeenth-century, other militant Hawiyya clans were challenging the hegemony of the Garen in various districts of the Benaadir. These challenges led to the fragmentation of Ajuran unity; the Abgal (Gurgate Hawiyya) took control of the hinterland of Mogadishu and eventually the town itself; the El-Amir (probably Hirab Hawiyya) assumed power in Merka, the Sil’is (Gurgate) near Afgoy, and the Galjaal and Badi Ado (Guggundabe Hawiyya) along the mid-Shebelle. Each of these groups had traditions of battling and ultimately defeating the Ajuran. Such shifts in power no doubt were linked to the arrival of new groups of Hawiyya and to the growing numerical superiority of certain of them who then forcibly could occupy wells and pasture previously held by the Ajuran. Traditions variously point to arrogance, tyranny, religious latitude, and economic oppressions as causes for the Ajuran decline. By 1700, there is virtually no trace of the Ajuran polity in the Benaadir.
References;
“Migrations, Islam and Politics in the Somali Benaadir 1500-1843”
By Lee Cassanelli
Beautiful appearance & ugly substance, beautiful substance & ugly appearance.
“There are three things of beautiful appearance and ugly afterwards; and three things of ugly appearance and beautiful afterwards. What are the three things of beautiful appearance and ugly afterwards? The young Guggundabo, the cow with large shoulders, the mature woman: they have a beautiful appearance and are ugly afterwards. — The young Guggundabo carries the shield, a beautiful lance with threads wrapped around, and a mat for prayers. Then he comes to the tree under which they throng for the assembly. Then it would be necessary that he speak. He finds nothing to say. It is said: ‘Let us go to spend the night in the house of this clever young man.’ Then he says: ‘No! No! I have nothing!’ He cries out. The man of handsome appearance is ugly afterwards, so it is-
The young Guggun-dabo is perhaps elegant in appearance, but he is neither eloquent nor hospitable.
-What is the cow with large shoulders? When it is pregnant and in its belly there is milk and it is pregnant, it is said: ‘This is a cow of great beauty.’ Then this cow that had been called nice delivers a little one. Then for two days it does not drink water; it becomes empty (of milk). Then it looks like a dog. It leaves its offspring. Then it is ugly afterwards.
The cow with large shoulders produces little milk, contrary to its appearance.
“A woman who has given birth to three or four children and who is neither young nor old is called mature. When she is free and is not married, she wears an elegant veil, a beautiful kerchief on her head, a double gown. Whoever sees her says: ‘Who will take her [in marriage]? She is elegant.’ Then one marries her. She becomes pregnant. The excrement and the urine of the child spread over her. Then you say: ‘Oh! This one stinks! Is she a slave?’ Once she was elegant, here is one who is ugly afterwards.
“The three things of ugly appearance and beautiful afterwards, what are they? The young Hawâdlä, the camel with large shoulders, and the virgin girl. — You see the young Hawadlä, he carries an old shield, a rusty lance, and a box of tobacco-
Traditionally the Hawâdlä are known as tobacco chewers
-Tied here near the male organ. When he comes to the tree of the assembly, the people are surprised. They say: ‘What does he want?’ Then he speaks in fine words: ‘It is to be done this way! It is to be done this way! This is how it is!’ Then it is said: ‘He is a clever man! Let us spend the night in his house.’ When they have gone to his house, he says: ‘Sit here.!’ He takes a male camel, slaughters it, and milks a she-camel. Then the people satiate themselves. They are satiated with meat, milk, durra. Then it is said: ‘This man is not as I though yesterday.’ Here is one who is beautiful afterwards-
The young Hawâdlä, careless about his clothing, is, on the other hand, eloquent and hospitable
— The she-camel with 216 large shoulders, when it has its little one in the womb for twelve months, if you take it to pasture, you say: ‘It will not give birth soon.’ It is thin and hungry. When the twelve months have elapsed, it instead will give birth. When it has given birth, you obtain much milk. If you are thirsty and there is dry weather, you will not be disturbed. You squeeze out the milk that it is full of. Then it is beautiful afterwards-
The she-camel with large shoulders, which needs care during the twelve months of gravidity (it also refers to the difficulty of pasturage for the camels during dry weather), on the other hand gives milk in abundance after the delivery.
-What is the virgin girl? She is a girl with the tonsure. Her appearance is ugly when one marries her. When the man spends the night [with her], and he sees her heart troubled, she then, very sad, runs away nto the woods. At night she does not come home-
During the first days of marriage the girl is easily overcome by melancholy and mourns for her free life.
-Then you say: ‘Who is this slave?’ The veil is wrapped around her head in an ugly way. And she wears cotton that is cheap and all dirty-
The very young wife does not yet know how to dress well or to adorn herself
–Then when she becomes pregnant, her relations with her husband are good and they are in accord. It is said: ‘She puffs out the sides of her hair. She makes herself elegant. She is a clever woman! Remember how she was before?’ Here is what is beautiful afterwards”
The girl who is not experienced about men does not know how to make her charms appreciated, but once she is accustomed to the new life, she is much more preferable than the mature woman.
References
Enrico Cerulli “How a Hawiye tribe use to live”
The former course of the Webbi
This Webi is thus at present, but in olden times the Webi did not pass through this territory, from here to Gälädi and more. At that time the Aguran and the Garrä used to live here. The ones who lived toward Gälädi used to drink at the wells. The people of Walamoy used to drink at Mogadiscio. Until today the village of Walamoy has been called Walamoy Hamar-däy (‘Look toward Mogadiscio’). And even today the place in which they stopped in the woodland of Däh is called: Hariri Walamoy (‘the stop of Walamoy’).
“It was (the saint) Au Hiltir who brought the Webi here. This was obtained through his prayers. When the waters (of the Webi) were thus seen to come down, Au Hiltir said: ‘These waters have been obtained from God. Do not wash your uncleanness in these waters!’ Thus it was forbidden to people to wash unclean things in these waters (of the Webi). But once a freed went into the water of the Webi, being all unclean, and he washed himself. From his uncleanness a crocodile was born. Thus the crocodiles began.”
This tradition also adumbrates a historical reality. Actually even now a depression starts from the W]ebi in the upper part of the zone of the Sidlä, crosses the territory now inhabited by the Mobilen, and returns to the present course of the river upstream from Gälädi. Locally this depression is usually explained as one of the far of the Webi. The defluents of the Webi in the sections where it has a pensile course are called by the name of far (‘finger’), but the same name also designates the biggest canals taking the irrigation water from the river. The tradition published here proves how the great depression of which we have spoken rather represents an ancient bed of the river. The Webi, because of the slight slope of its middle course in Somalia, may in fact, without any difficulty, have changed its bed in some part of its path.
The circumstance mentioned in the tradition, that the Garrä and the Aguran lived in the zone of the depression, now held by the Mobilen and the Híllibi, relates the event of the change of the course of the river to at least the XV century.
This geographical situation that the tradition attests to is then further confirmed by recent events, of which we have been witnesses. During a very great flood in 1916 the Webi entered the old bed with its waters and thus caused very serious damage to the villages and to the farming of the Mobilen. Subsequently, during another menacing flood in 1922, in order to avoid damage which would have been irreparable in the zone of the Villaggio Duca degli Abruzzi, the cutting of the stoppage of the old depression was undertaken, utilizing it, with all caution and without any harmful consequences, in order to reduce the level of the flood water.
References;
Enrico Cerulli “How a Hawiye tribe use to live”
Rivarly between the Badi ‘Addä and the Mobilen
“Once a Badi ‘Addä came out of the Badi ‘Addä territory. In olden times the Badi ‘Addä and the Mobilen were enemies. Then this one (Badi ‘Addä) went to the Mobilen. He went there at night. He entered the hut of a Mobilen. There was no light in the hut. The Badi ‘Addä thus got under the bed without being seen. Then the Mobilen and his wife entered the hut. ‘Bring the polenta!’ the husband said. Then the woman brought the polenta. The husband sat down on the bed. Then she put the polenta on the bed. Then the Badi ‘Addä thrust out an arm there at the edge of the bed. He ate half of the dish. Then the Mobilen thus touched the half of the dish. He said: ‘Here there is nothing.’ He thought that his wife had eaten the half of the dish. ‘But wait!’ and he put his hand thus on the other half of the dish. Then the Badi ‘Addä thrust his arm out straight. The other one took his hand. In the meantime the Badi ‘Addä, in turn, had grasped the woman’s hand. Then the woman screamed. The Mobilen said: ‘Why did you finish my polenta?’ She replied: ‘Dear me! I have not eaten any!’ The husband said: ‘You have eaten it!’ He thought he had seized the person who had eaten his dish. ‘I myself have seized the wife’s hand!’ the Badi ‘Addä said to himself and laughed. Then the Mobilen let go of the hand. ‘All right!’ he said, ‘I have let go of you.’ He thought that it was the wife’s hand. Then the Badi ‘Addä, whose hand was thus released, in turn released the woman’s hand. Then the Mobilen went to sleep. Then the Badi ‘Addä struck him in the belly with the dagger. He died. The Badi ‘Addä fled. “Why ever did that man kill the Mobilen? Because at that time the Mobilen and the Badi ‘Addä were enemies. In olden times the Mobilen used to live in a locality called Tir, which is above Dinlabe. The Mobilen occupied the territory inhabited today by the Hawadlä
The Mobilen tribe has thus reached its present seats (or it has been reduced to its present seats) to the west of the middle valley of the Webi, because of having been pushed out of a more northern territory along the same Webi by the work of the Badi ‘Addä and of the Galgä‘el.
Then the Badi ‘Addä and the Gal-gä‘el chased them away from there. They fled
Evidently, although our tradition (collected from a Badi ‘Addä) does not say it explicitly, the Badi ‘Addä and the Galgä‘el, after having already occupied the territory of the Mobilen around Dinlabe, were in turn driven out by the Hawadlä.
An old man, who in ancient times was the leader of the Mobilen, was called Dino Guled. When his people fled, he remained there
The old Mobilen leader, whose name the tradition has preserved, remains in the country of the ancestors, even when his warriors consent to go away.
Then the Badi ‘Addä struck him with their lances and killed him. Then a Badi ‘Addä sang a song and said; O leader Dino Guled, like a lid they have entirely pierced you, like a donkey they have loaded you with mats. The ones of my generation did not stop to fight; they skipped away. And so it is.”
The verses of the Badi ‘Addä poet attack the Mobilen for having abandoned their old leader, who, on the other hand, did not find mercy among his conquerors.
References;
Enrico Cerulli ” How a Hawiye tribe use to live”
Taariikhdii Siyaad Qaasim Dheryo Dhoobe
Hordhaca
Maxaad ka taqaan Caaqil Siyaad Qaasim Dheryo-dhoobe? Kumuuse ahaa?
Siyaad Dheryo-dhoobe wuxuu ahaa caaqil Soomaaliyeed oo noolaa muddo dadka taariikheeya ama isaga ka farcamay ay ku qiyaaseen illaa 400 oo sano ka hor ama 12 oday(awoowe) ka hor. Siyaad wuxuu ku dhasay ballida Xamur ee ka mid ah balliyada faraha badan ee ku yaal deegaanka Dooxa ee gobolka Galguduud.
Qaasim wuxuu ahaa nin nabaddoon ah aadna u caqli badan, lana oran karo Siyaad caqliga aabihii ayuu ka dhaxlay. Qaasim wuxuu kaloo ahaa nin xoolo dhaqato ah. Maalin maalmaha ka mid ah ayaa waxaa Qaasim ka lumay awr ka mid ah geeliisii, wuxuuna isla markiiba ku dhaqaaqay in uu baadi goobo inta aanu gabalku dhicin.
Qaasim marna kuma fekerin in baadigoobka awrta ka luntay ay u horseedi doonto helitaanka marwo caqli badan oo hooyo u noqon doonta abwaan xikmaddiisa soomaali meel kasta oo ay joogto lagaga sheekeysto.
Qaasin wuxuu baadidii dabajoogaba, wuxuu goor casirkii ay tahay uu meel kayn horteed ah kaga soo baxay inan ari la joogta, kadib markii uu bariidiyay ayuu weydiiyay in ay awr baadi ah aragtay iyo in kale? Ma arag bay ugu jawaabtay, hase yeeshee waxay markiiba raacisay tilmaanta awrta oo waxa ay tiri “Awrta mid ma il la’aa? Midna ma dabo go’naa? Mid kalena ma rarnaa?”
Waxa uu weydiiyey halka ay ku aragtay awrta ay tilmaamahooda sheegtay, laakiin waxa ay kaga yaabisay in aysan awrtaasi arag balse ay soo martay meeshii ay awrtaasi mareen. Markii uu weydiiyay sida ay gabadhu ku ogaatay tilmaamaha awrta ka dhumay waxa ay ku jawaabtay “In mid il la’i uu ku jiray waxaan ku ogaaday dhirta hal dhinac buu ka daaqayey kana buurtay, in uu midna dabo go’naa waxaan ku ogaaday saalada meel qura ayuu tuuminayay, in uu mid kalena culays siday waxaan ku ogaaday raadkiisa oo dhulka aad u diisaayay” waxa ayna raacisay in ay astaamahaas ku aragtay meel aan ka fogayn meesha ay goortaa ariga ku ilaashanaysay”.
Qaasim oo markiiba is tusay in uu helay baadi kale oo ka maqnayd baa gabadhii su’aalay halka ay reerahoodu yaallaan iyo arrimo ku saabsan qoyska inanta, markii uu xogtaas helayna wuxuu u jiheystay halkiii ay gabadhu awrta ugu tilmaantay, nasiib wanaagse meel aan sidaa uga uga fogeyn buu ka soo helay awrtii. Qaasim wuxuu u tababushaystay in uu Buullo Xuseen(gabadha magaceeda ) u soo geed fariisto.
Guurkii Bullo iyo Qaasim waxa ka dhashay Siyaad oo carruurnimadiisiiba ay soo if baxday kaydka caqil iyo xal-abbaarnimada Eebbe ku mannaystay, wuxuu kaga duwanaa ilmaha ay isku da’da yihiin isagoo marnaba aan ku mashquuli jirin waxyaabaha da’ yartu waqtigooda isku dhaafiyaan, taa beddelkeeda waxa uu aad uga fakeri jiray sidii wax faa’iido u leh uu reeraha ugu soo biirin lahaa. Sancooyinkiisa badan bay dadka qaar sheegaan yaraantiisiiba inuu kula baxay magaca “Dheryo-dhoob”.
Siyaad wuxuu kaloo ahaa nin takhtar ah, kuna xeel dheer kabista lafaha, sanceynta dhirta dawada loo isticmaalo iyo waliba daweynta xoolaha iwm. Wuxuu kaloo daaweyn jiray qaniinyada halaqa.
Markii uu hanaqaadayba Siyaad Qaasim ‘dheryo-dhoob’ waxa uu la kowsaday tijaabooyin la mariyay garaadkiisa curdanka ah waxaana u billaabatay taxanihii qisooyinka Soomaali gees illaa gees caan ka noqday.
Qisadii Qaraha
Qisadani waxa ay ka mid tahay qisooyinkii badnaa ee lagala haray Siyaad Dheryo-dhoobe, in kastoo qisooyin badan oo kale ah aan hada lahayn oo ay kala lumeen.
Waxaa ragga qaar caada u ahayd in ay Siyaad su’aalo fara badan loola yimaado, iyadoo la oran karo waxay ahaayeen aqoon kororsi iyo xujeyn intaba. Maalin maalmaha ka mid ah ayaa waxa Siyaad loo keenay haan afka ka daboolan, lana soo niggaxay. Waxaana lagu xujeeyay in uu sheego waxa haanta ku jira, isaga oo aan furin ama haruubka ka qaadin haanta.
Siyaad ma ahayn nin ay xujo ku cusub tahay, iyadoo hore loo soo marsiiyay xujooyin kale oo qalafsan. Waxa uu bilaabay in uu rogrogo haantii oo uu darso waxa ku jira, isaga oo aan furin. Danta laga lahaa ayaa ahayd in lagu fashiliyo aqoonta iyo caqliga uu sheeganayo, waxa ayna dhalisay in haantan daboolan oo xirxiran gudaheeda waxa ku jira la weydiiyo.
Siyaad laguma sheegin taariikhdiisa in uu ahaa nin falfalka isticmaala oo yaqaana. Balse, waxaa lagu sheegay in uu nin caqli badan, una fiirsada hadaladiisa.
Wuxuu hadba dhinac u gadiyo haantaba, oo marba dhinac ka istaago wuxuu yiri:
‘wuxu qoyaan kama taggana, qaleylna kama taggana ee ma xabbad qare ah baa’.
Markii haantii la furayna waxaa laga dhex helay hal xabbo oo qare ah. Dabcan, sida aad hadda ula yaaban tahay sida uu ku gartay waxa ku jira haanta afka ka xiran, ayaa loola yaabay muddo laga joogo afar qarni in ka badan.
Waxaanse hadalkeygii ku soo gabogabeeyay in aan uga harno in ay tahay arrin ‘mucjiso’ ah.
Qisadii Hasha
Maadaama uu Siyaad ahaa nin mudaawaadka yaqaanna, mucjisooyin badanna laga hayo ayaa sida caadada biniaadamku tahayba waxaa jiray dad aan Siyaad u aqoonsaneyn amaba u quuri waayay caqliga Eebe ku maneystay. Raggii iyagu su’aasha ka qabay caqliga lagu sheegay Siyaad ayaa go’aansaday in ay xujeeyaan, waxa ayna soo kaxeeyeen hal isla markaana masaar ayay afka uga soo rideen una soo kaxeeyeen meeshii uu joogay Siyaad.
Heerka ay nimanka hasha watay ka taagnayd in ay ku beeniyaan Siyaad waxa uu sheeganayo meel fagaare ah, waxaad ka garan kartaa, niman reer miyi ah oo go’aansaday in ay neef u qasaariyaan xujo darteed, oo ayna ku xadgudbeen neefka marka ay masaar laqsiiyeen.
Markii ay hashii u keeneen Siyaad ayaa waxa ay ku yiraahdeen “Siyaadoow noo sheeg hashaanu waxa ay qabto, oo ay la cabaadeyso?”
Siyaad waxa uu u yimid hashii, waxa uuna bilaabay in uu fiirfiiriyo, dhan walbana kala wareego. Waxa uu ka waayay wax nabar ah ama jab ka muuqda hasha, waxa kale oo uu ka waayay astaamaha lagu garto cudurada kale ee ku dhaca geela sida shubanka, kudka, cadhada, il qod, saan-reed, dhugato(hargabka) iwm.
Markii uu muddo ku wareegay ayuu yiri “Hashu maankeygay gadaye ma masaar bay laqday”. Waxaa nimankii xujada maleegay argagax ku noqotay in uu Siyaad sheegay waxa ay ku sameeyeen hasha, halkaana uu ku fashilmay shirqoolkodii.
Halkaas ayay dadkii oo dhami ku qireen garaadka Eebe ku manneystay Siyaad Dheryo-dhoobe, hashiina lagu gowracay. Waxaa kale oo halkaas ka hirgalay maahmaahdii uu bixiyay Siyaad ee ahayd “Hashu maankaygay gadaye, ma masaar bay laqday”, oo illaa iyo hadda dhaqan gashay.
Qisadii Xog warran
Sideedaba waqti kasta waxa uu leeyahay dad u gooni ah oo laga wareysto wixii markaa taagan ama horay u dhacay, Siyaadna xiligiisii wuxuu ka mid ahaa dadka iyagu looga dambeeyo fikradaha iyo oraahyada taariikhiga ah. Dadka caaqiliinta ah waxaa badanaaba la weydiiyaa su’aalo fara badan oo ulajeedaoodu tahay in lagaga faa’iideysto ama lagaga reebo oraahyo, maahmaahyo ama murtiyo taariikhda gala.
Maalin iyada oo goob shir ah la joogo, loona wada dhan yahay ayaa waxa Siyaad la weydiiyay su’aalo si bal looga faa’iideysto caaqilka. Su’aalaha la weydiiyay Waxa ay ahaayen kuwo si toos ah ama si dadban u khuseeya dadka oo dhan. Akhristoow in kastoo sheekadani dhacday in ka badan 400 sano kahor, haddan su’aalaha la weydiiyay iyo jawaabaha uu Siyaad ka bixiyayba waxaa laga yaabaa qaar ka mid ahi in ay ku quseeyaan ama aad la kulantay. Waxayna su’aalihii u dhaceen sidaa:
Dadkii: Siyaad, bal ka warran samaanta iyo xumaanta ragga?
Siyaad: Rag samaantiis waa “waxaada wax ka sii, wixiisana baahi u cun. Xumaantiisana ninkii ka abaal dhaca wax ka weydiiya, isagaa iiga aqoon badane”.
Dadkii: Ka warran samaanta iyo xumaanta dumarka?
Siyaad: dumar samaantiisa waa “u samir ama ka samir. Xumaantiisana ninkii labada cir-guduud la tirsada wax ka weydiiya, isagaa iiga aqoon badane”.
Dadkii: Ka warran geela samaantiisa iyo xumaantiisa?
Siyaad: Geel samaantiisa “waa korkiisu hakaa qarsanaado, koortiisuna hakuu yeerto. Xumaantiisana ninkii sadex jir ka rartay, lix jirna raaciyay wax ka weydiiya, isagaa iiga aqoon badane”.
Dadkii: Ka warran lo’da samaanteeda iyo xumaanteeda?
Siyaad: Lo’da samaanteedu waa “labada hore biyo ha kula jirto, labada dambena cows. Xumaanteedana ninkii sadex qadiyay, eregna u dhiibtay wax ka weydiiya, isagaa iiga aqoon badane”.
Dadkii: Ka warran ariga samaantiisa iyo xumaantiisa?
Siyaad: Ariga samaantiisa waa “meel il bannaan leh ha daaqo, arad wanaagsanina ha xanaaneyso. Xumaantiisana berrin ood cas leh ninkii ku furay wax ka weydiiya, isagaa iiga aqoon badane.
Dadkii oo dhan waxaa halkaa uga caddaatay in uu Siyaad yahay nin xikmad badan oo laa faa’iideysto Eebe ku mannestay. Maalintaana su’aalihii uu jawaabta ka bixiyay waxaa laga heli karaa nolosha bini’aadamka meel kasta oo ay jogaanba.
Qisadii Mag ari
Waxaa jirtay in uu dagaal dhex maray beesha uu Siyaad ka dhashay ee Duduble iyo beel kale, dad badan oo laba dhinacba ah ay ku dhinteen kuna dhaawacmeen. Sida caadada Soomaalidu ahayd ama hadda tahayba markii gogoshii heshiisiinta la isugu yimid ayaa la xisaabtamay oo dhimashadii la isu tirsaday. Beeshii Siyaad ayaa laba nin la dheeraaday oo diyadoodii lagu yeeshay.
In kastoo waqtiga hadda la joogo diyada lacag lagu bixiyo, xilligii qisadani dhacday geel ayaa lagu bixin jiray diyada, lacagna lama aqoon. Subixii dambe ayaa Siyaad diyadii ari u keenay, dadkii oo dhamina ay wada fajaceen, filanwaana ku noqotay falka uu ku kacay Siyaad Dheryo-dhoobe.
Sida la wada ogsoon yahay garta Soomaalidu waa mid furan oo waxaa ka soo qeybgala dadka oo dhan, si loo ogaado waxa lagu heshiiyay iyo in ay raali ka yihiin labada dhinac ee la dhexdhexaadinayo. Maalintaana waxaa gogosha joogay qabiilo kale oo Soomaali ah, si ay uga marqaati noqdaan heshiiskaas.
Dadkii oo dhan ayaa weydiiyay Siyaad sababta uu ari diyada ugu bixinayo, maadaama uu dhaqanku ahaa geel in lagu bixiyo. Siyaad oo ku adkeystay in uu arigu geela ka wanaagsan yahay, kana manaafacaad badan yahay ayaa waxa uu ku qeexay arigii sidan “Labo ragga ayay la wadaagtaa, labana dumarka, labana geela, labana fardaha, labana lo’da, labana wey sii dheertahay”. Dadkii ayaa weydiistay Siyaad in uu faahfaahiyo wixii uu tiriyay oo dhan.
Siyaad sida la sheegayba dan ayuu ka lahaa diyada ariga lagu bixiyay, waxaana ka go’nayd in uu ka qanciyo reerihii diyada ku lahaa iyo beeshii uu ka dhashay oo aan ku faraxsaneyn ficilka uu muujiyay. Siyaad wuxuu ku bilaabay faahfaahintiisa sidan:
Labo ragga ayay la wadaagtaa, oo waa ‘garka iyo xuurada’
labo dumarka ayay la wadaagtaa, oo waa ‘labaca iyo laab-nugeylka’
labo geela ayay lawadaagtaa oo waa ‘qatinka iyo qajaajufka’
labo fardaha ayay la wadaagtaa oo waa ‘gurdanka iyo gaalibka’
labo lo’da ayay la wadaagtaa oo waa ‘qoobabka iyo geesaha’
Siyaad wuxuu ku soo gabogabeeyay labadii uu danta ka lahaa oo wuxuu yiri:
‘labana waa ay dheertahoo, iyadoo labo jir ah ayay laba qooxood dhexdood iska seeddaa, oo ay laba jirna kaa seexisaa(kaa dherjisaa).
Dadkii oo dhami waa ay garowsadeen hadaladii Siyaad, reerihii diyada ariga lagu siiyayna waa ay aqbaleen, halkaas ayaana lagu heshiiyay oo gartii ku xirantay. Ninkii reerka diyada qaatay u ahaa madaxda ayaa markuu u adkeysan waayay hadalii Siyaad, una arkay in laga gar helay, inkaar la beegsaday Siyaad, oo yiri ‘Labo labo badanaa, labo aan is-geyn ha kaa harto’.
Siyaad intaa kuma ekeyne wuxuu yiri hadal kale oo taariikhda galay illaa iyo maantana maahmaahda Soomaalida ku jira. Wuxuuna yiri:
‘Geel iyo wixii gooyaa, waxba isma gaado dhaamaan’
Inkastoo dadka geela dhaqda ay ku culus tahay in arigu geela ka wanaagsan yahay, haddana waxaa halkaan ku cad in ay beeshii Siyaad ari ku bixiyeen diyadii, iyagoo awood u lahaa in ay geel ku bixiyaan.
Maalintaa waxaa taariikhda dhaqanka Soomaalida galay hadalo ama arrimo dhowr ah oo ka dhacay gogoshaas. Waxaa goobtii ama geedkii garta loo bixiyay illaa iyo haddana loo yaqaan ‘Mag Ariile’. Reerihii iyagu diyada ku qaatay arigana waxaa loo bixiyay illaa iyo maantana loo yaqaan ‘Ciise Riyoole’, waxayna degaan gobolada bari ee Soomaaliya. Inkaartii Siyaad lagu riday oo ahayd ‘labo labo badanaa, labo aan is geyn ha kaa harto’ waa ay haleeshay Siyaad, oo dad badani kama farcamin.
Qisadii koore-dadab
Sida la ogyahay nolosha reer miyigii hore ee soomaalida aad ayay u adkeyd marka loo eego xilliyada colaadaha iyo abaaraha. Xilliyada colaadda waxaa dhici jiray duullaamo beelaha soomaalidu isku qaadi jireen oo marka ay taasi dhacdana xoolo(Geel),iyo xarrago(Fardo) lagu kala qaadi jiray.
Haddaba waxaa dhacay in beri reerihii Siyaad col galay, dagaal lagu riiqdayna uu ka dhacay halkaa, kadib waxaa colkii duullaanka soo qaaday u suurto gashay in ay hore u sii taxaabtaan geenyo beesha Duduble dhexdeeda caan ka ahayd, Ugaaskeeduna lahaa in kastoo uu Siyaad si gaar ah u dhaqaaleyn jiray geenyadaas. Markii dagaalka lagu kala dareeray, dhaawaciina la kala fogeystay ayaa waxaa la ogaaday in ay geenyadii Ugaaska ay colkii u gacan gashay.
Waxaa loo saaray rag jilib culus ah sidii lagu soo celin lahaa geenyadaas oo astaan iyo sharafba u ahayd beesha laga qaaday. Siyaad Dheryodhoob ayaa noqday qofkii loo xulay in uu geenyadii ku soo celiyo xerada laga taxaabay, wuxuuna weysada u biyeystay sidii uu himiladaas u gaari lahaa.
Siyaad wuxuu soo socdaba, wuxuu goor barqo ah soo galay reerihii geenyada ay xeradooda ku jirtay, isagoo iska dhigaya doqon aan waxba garaneyn. Gabar uu dhalay boqorka reerahaa oo ari la joogtay baa aragtay, markii ay u aqoonsatay nin dhimman in uu yahay, ayaa waxa ay u soo kaxaysay xaggii reerka, una keentay aabaheed iyo odayaashii kale. Boqorka reerka oo ahaa nin shaki badan, ileyn waa nin dakano qaba oo nin kale geenyadiisna soo xareystaye, ayaa waxa uu Siyaad mariyay tijaabooyin badan si uu u hubiyo bal in ninku yahay nacas reerka agahiisa looga tagi karo iyo in uu yahay halyey isa soo dhammaagaya. Markii ay boqorkii u caddaatay in ninkani yahay nacas aan dhaqanka adduun waxba kala socon ayaa la soo dhoweeyay oo adeegaha reer boqor laga dhigay, iyadoo loo bixiyay magaca ah “dambas jiif” maadaama meelaha dabka lagu shido uu iska seexan jiray oo aanu nadaafadiisa dan ka lahayn.
Siyaad waxa uu soo xareyn jiray oo uu la joogi jiray fardaha boqorka Beesha oo ay ku jirto geenyadii uu daraadeed safarka dheer u soo maray, waxana uu noqday ninka kaliya ee xerada gammaanka iyo xoodaamiskoodaba uu boqorku u dirsan jiray, maadaama uusan boqorku u aamini jirin cid kale oo garanaysa waxtarkooda.
Maalin maalmaha ka mid ah ayaa waxa si kadis ah isaga oo aan filayn u daawanaysaysay gabadha boqorka beesha xilli uu laxawsanayay geenyadii uu soo dhaqaaleyn jiray oo marka ay aqoonsatay gurxan kala joojin waysay, arrintaas oo shaki ku dhalisay gabadhii boqorka. Shakigii ay qaadday bay aabaheed u sheegtay waxaana la go’aansaday in la hubiyo bal in ninkani fardofuul yahay iyo in kale. Meel fagaare ah baa looga yeeray waxaana la faray in uu faras geed ku xiran ka soo furo oo uuna soo heenseeyo. Hase yeeshee mar qura ayaa dadkii meesha isugu yimid qosol la kala dareereen, inantii shakiga kicisayna yaxyax la sii jeesatay markii uu Siyaad koorihii faraska dhankii qaldanaa u rogay kuna soo xiray faraskii. Dabadeedna waxaa halkaas uga baxay Siyaad magacii labaad oo ah “koorodadab”.
Boqorkii sidaa ugama uusan harine wuxuu gabadhiisii ku yiri ‘Nin kaan waa ka shakiyaye, orodoo u fadhi xumme’. Gabadhii boqorka ayaa maalintii dambe u timid Siyaad ee meel iska fadhiya, soona hor kadan-koodsatay iyadoo u fadhi xumeyneysa, oo aan cowradeeda ka qarsaneyn. Siyaad ma uusan gaagixine, inta farta uu ku fiiqay gabadha alaabteeda ayuu yiri “Naa ma dagaal baad gashay, oo meeshaas ma waran baa kaaga dhacay”. Gabadhii uma jawaabine way ka dhaqaaqday, waxayna aabaheed u sheegtay wixii dhacay. Sidaas ayuuna boqorkii reerku ku shaki baxay.
Siyaad waxa uu dhaandhaan iska dhigo, marba si silloon oo lala yaabo u dhaqmaba, waxa ugu dambeyntii u timid fursaddii uu muddada sugayay. Galab ayaa boqorka reerku faray Siyaad in uu soo kaxeeyo geenyadii oo lagu diyaariyey geed hoostii loona qalabeeyey si heer sare ah si loogu dabbaaldego inanta boqorka oo la aroosayay. Waa siduu Siyaad rabaye, intuu geenyadii si xarrago leh u soo fuulay oo madashii shirka ula soo dhowaaday buu markii la weydiiyay “waa kuma ninka geenyada ku joogaa?” wuxuu ku jawaabay “marna waa dambas jiif, marna waa koorodadab, marna waa kii lahaa”. Intaas kuma ekaane wuxuu madashii odayaashu fadhiyeen ku soo sayriyey wasakh uu ula jeeday in uu ku muujiyo sida aanu ugu qanacsanayn habkii ay ula dhaqmeen iyo colaaddii ka horreysay ee ay geenyada ku soo qafaasheen. Siyaad oo awalba aqoon u lahaa geenyada uu saaran yahay orodkeeda in aan faras kale cago ku gaari karin, ayaa la beegsaday jihadii reerkoodu ka jiray isagoo niyada ku haya in uu col soo dabajoogo.
Durbadiiba waxa la agaasimay ciidankii iyo fardaha midba midkii uu ka dheereeyay si ninka geenyada qaaday looga soo reebo, hase yeeshee geenyada oo aan gammaan cago ku barbareeya weli hore loo arag ayaa ka cid gashay colkii ku raad joogay. Halkaasna waxaa beesha Siyaad ay sharaf ku aqoonsadeen qofnimadiisa qaaliga ah, boqorkii is jecleysiiyay geenyo aan isaga u dhalanna wuxuu ogaaday in uu Siyaad ahaa nin caqli badan, doqonnimona ay kala fog yihiin.
Qisadii Garta
Maalin maalmaha ka mid ah Siyaad oo wata rati dhaan ah, ceelkana ujeeda ayaa waxaa uu maqlay dad magaciisa ugu yeeraya oo leh ‘Siyaad…siyaad’, gadaal ayuu u fiiriyay wuxuu arkay labo nin oo xagiisa u soo ordaya, kadibna wuu ka sii jeestay oo socdaalkiisii sii watay.
Labadii nin oo xuurtoonaya oo dhididka seyrinaya ayaa ka daba yimid kuna yiraahdeen ‘Siyaadoow rag ayaa halkaas fadhiya oo gar goyn waayaye, kaalay wax ka dheh’. Siyaad oo lagu yaqaanay murtida iyo garta aan eexda lahayn, lagana filayay in uu ragga garta u fadhiya kala qeybqaato ayaa wuxuu ku yiri raggii “Nin hoggaan hayaa, howraar ma toosiyo” wuuna iska sii socday oo dhaankiisii kaxeystay.
Labadii nin oo ka xumaaday goobta uu uga dhaqaajiyay Siyaad iyo xilligii gartu isku cakirnayn ee baahida loo qabay ayaa raggii geedka garta u fadhiyay dib ugu laabtay una sheegay in uu Siyaad diiday in uu galo gartaas. Nin raggii gogosha fadhiyay ka mid ahaa ayaa weydiiyay labadii nin hadalkii uu Siyaad ku jawaabay, waxayna u sheegeen in uu Siyaad yiri “Nin hoggaan hayaa, howraar ma toosiyo”. Ninkii ayaa fahmay ulajeedada uu Siyaad ka lahaa hadalkaas wuxuuna ku yiri raggii intiisii kale ‘Siyaad ma diidin in uu garta galo, wuxuu yiri ninna laba howl ma wada qaban karo hal mar, ee wuu na soo mari doonaa markuu soo dhaansado, waa in aan sugnaa’.
Maalin kadib ayaa Siyaad oo dhaankiisii wata soo maray raggii oo geedkii gartii u fadhiya, dhinac buu ka fariistay gogoshii. isla markaana gartii galay, gabogabadiina waa lagu heshiiyay.
Waxaa halkaas laga qaatay hadalka maahmaahda noqday ee ahaa “Nin hoggaan hayaa howraar ma toosiyo”, oo ka mid ah maahmaahyada badan ee uu Siyaad reebay, macnaheeduna ku saleysan yahay “Ninna labo shaqo hal mar ma wada qaban karo”
To be continued..
Astrological proverbs of the Hawiyya
I here list apart some proverbs that are based on observations of the stars and on the solar year of the Somalis.
1) “The waberís appeared on Sunday: thus Danwên or of the people who are living with them! If the Sunday is on the 6: then Darôd or of the people dependent on them!” (Waberis is the Somali name of the sa‘ban lunation) The Danwen are a group of the Hawiyya tribe.
2) ‘id sáfa digi mayso áqalki lögú dïsó . “The safar does not make the hut that is built during it become a family.”
3) “The month of sonqad that starts on Saturday: the girl sells her modesty in order to buy polenta, the ninety-year-old man cries for food.” ( sonqad is the month of Ramadan.)
4) “In the fortieth and in the mouth of a newborn child one is unable not to find a dribble.” (The fourth decade of the seasons of gu and dayr always brings rain.) “Between the year and the drops there are in the middle thirty nights.” (A light rain, which is called hagay, is to be expected thirty days after the Somali New Year’s Day.)
6) “The moon of sékko, if it appears on Wednesday, if it does not have great deceit, it has little deceit.” ( sékko is the Somali name of the lunation of muharram)
7) “The moon of boqoson if it appears precisely, it is propitious for the ovines and the camels; if it is late, they will become sick.” ( boqoson is the Somali name of the lunation of gumadà al-ahir.)
8) “The lunation is of three novenes and three nights. Of the three novenes, one novene is for the nobles, one is for the religious, one is for the people. One who was born in the novene of the nobles has the behavior of the noble. One who was born in the novene of the religious has the behavior of a religious. One who was born in the novene of the people has the behavior of a common man. One who was born during the three nights has the behavior of a gloomy man.”
9) “One who was born in ‘kuhedín’ cannot be robbed of wealth. One who was born in ‘kalahánlä’ cannot be robbed of wealth. ( kuhedín and kalahánlä are the Somali lunar stations numbered 12 and 13, according to the nomenclature of the Hawiyya.)
10) “The kalahánlä precedes the dirir by two nights. Its propitious days are Friday and Thursday. If it comes on another day, it is not propitious.” ( kalahanlä is the 12th lunar station; dirir [= α Virginis] is the 14th station.)
References
Enrico Cerulli “How a Hawiye tribe use to live”
Sayings of the Hawiyya
The speech of an elder without quotations of proverbs would have little meaning and little value in an assembly of the Hawiyya people. And the quotations often follow one another in succession, giving a pungency, often joking or ironical, to the reasoning, which is thus fortified by the most ancient wisdom of the tribe. The proverbs that follow were collected precisely from the speeches of the Hawiyya a tribal leaders, especially Abgal and Guggundabe, during the discussions of their problems. Thus they have served, and are serving, to show some aspects of the true psychology of the Somalis and to place in an advantageous light some circumstances of the difficult daily life of the tribes and of the spirit of patient courage with which the distresses of that life are faced.
1) “Marriage is the nearby marriage; field is the nearby field.” (Wife and oxen from your countries.)
17) “Soul out of the body and rain of deir do not come back.” (During the season of deir it normally rains only once a day.)
39) “The cow and its calf are separated by the war.” (Events dissolve the closest bonds.)
51) “O great God! who may gain you? The one who prays to me may gain me. O land of the Lord, who may gain you? The one who perseveres may gain me. O man! who may gain you? The one who gives me something may gain me.”
58) “One who has killed a dig-dig. The dwarf antelope ( digdig ) is captured with a noose by the hunters. ) with a snare cuts a [another] snare.”
65) “In times of famine children are not made to vomit in front of the crowd” (because it is not known what they may vomit, since in difficult times everything becomes lawful).
71) “When one is at war, one does not say to the coward: ‘Advise us!’ When one is at war, one does not say to the hero: ‘Advise us!’ When one is at war, one says to a man who has judgment: ‘Advise us!’ ” (Both fear and boldness may be bad advisers.)
72) “One who has not poured water on my neck can not shave me” (that is, in order to obtain something it is necessary to flatter those from whom one expects the favors).
81) “May God not send us camels that eat the grass ‘ isil and 337 indulgent rulers.” (The actual food of the camels is provided by the leaves of the acacia trees. The camel that eats by bending the head to the ground in order to look for grass instead of holding it high to eat from the branches is like an indulgent ruler.)
98) “Games of the young and fence of fields: the one that you conduct there may make you leave it.” (Just as if you take a young friend of yours to the dance, he may take away your favorite girl, so if you introduce a stranger into your field, he may appropriate it.)
115) “You are not called woman if you have not first divided the polenta in a time of famine, and your modesty and your patience have been seen.”
116) “The one who refuses the land, where is he to be buried?” (And one who does not want to accept the discipline of his tribe, where will he find help?)
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